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Finally, an official website of the place where I was born and spent my childhood and teen age years. Click on the picture to access the site.
This is the journal of a thirty-something guy who grew up in the mountains of Bukidnon, spent his college in a campus by the sea in the Visayas and now is struggling to be somebody in Metropolitan Manila.
This is (referring to his award), you know, it fills me with great joy, but I am also filled with a lot of sadness tonight because I am accepting an award at such a strange time. And you know my experiences of making this film made me very aware of the sadness and the dehumanization of people at times of war. And the repercussions of war. And whatever you believe in, if it's God or Allah, may he watch over you and let's pray for a peaceful and swift resolution. Thank you
I have resigned from the cabinet because I believe that a fundamental principle of Labour's foreign policy has been violated. If we believe in an international community based on binding rules and institutions, we cannot simply set them aside when they produce results that are inconvenient to us.
I cannot defend a war with neither international agreement nor domestic support. I applaud the determined efforts of the prime minister and foreign secretary to secure a second resolution. Now that those attempts have ended in failure, we cannot pretend that getting a second resolution was of no importance.
In recent days France has been at the receiving end of the most vitriolic criticism. However, it is not France alone that wants more time for inspections. Germany is opposed to us. Russia is opposed to us. Indeed at no time have we signed up even the minimum majority to carry a second resolution. We delude ourselves about the degree of international hostility to military action if we imagine that it is all the fault of President Chirac.
The harsh reality is that Britain is being asked to embark on a war without agreement in any of the international bodies of which we are a leading member. Not NATO. Not the EU. And now not the Security Council. To end up in such diplomatic isolation is a serious reverse. Only a year ago we and the United States were part of a coalition against terrorism which was wider and more diverse than I would previously have thought possible. History will be astonished at the diplomatic miscalculations that led so quickly to the disintegration of that powerful coalition.
Britain is not a superpower. Our interests are best protected, not by unilateral action, but by multilateral agreement and a world order governed by rules. Yet tonight the international partnerships most important to us are weakened. The European Union is divided. The Security Council is in stalemate. Those are heavy casualties of war without a single shot yet being fired.
The threshold for war should always be high. None of us can predict the death toll of civilians in the forthcoming bombardment of Iraq. But the US warning of a bombing campaign that will "shock and awe" makes it likely that casualties will be numbered at the very least in the thousands. Iraq's military strength is now less than half its size at the time of the last Gulf war. Ironically, it is only because Iraq's military forces are so weak that we can even contemplate invasion. And some claim his forces are so weak, so demoralized and so badly equipped that the war will be over in days.
We cannot base our military strategy on the basis that Saddam is weak and at the same time justify preemptive action on the claim that he is a serious threat. Iraq probably has no weapons of mass destruction in the commonly understood sense of that term-namely, a credible device capable of being delivered against strategic city targets. It probably does still have biological toxins and battlefield chemical munitions. But it has had them since the 1980s when the United States sold Saddam the anthrax agents and the then British government built his chemical and munitions factories.
Why is it now so urgent that we should take military action to disarm a military capacity that has been there for 20 years and which we helped to create? And why is it necessary to resort to war this week while Saddam's ambition to complete his weapons program is frustrated by the presence of UN inspectors?
I have heard it said that Iraq has had not months but 12 years in which to disarm, and our patience is exhausted. Yet it is over 30 years since resolution 242 called on Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories.
We do not express the same impatience with the persistent refusal of Israel to comply. What has come to trouble me most over past weeks is the suspicion that if the hanging chads in Florida had gone the other way and Al Gore had been elected, we would not now be about to commit British troops to action in Iraq.
I believe the prevailing mood of the British public is sound. They do not doubt that Saddam Hussein is a brutal dictator. But they are not persuaded he is a clear and present danger to Britain. They want the inspections to be given a chance. And they are suspicious that they are being pushed hurriedly into conflict by a US administration with an agenda of its own. Above all, they are uneasy at Britain taking part in a military adventure without a broader international coalition and against the hostility of many of our traditional allies. It has been a favorite theme of commentators that the House of Commons has lost its central role in British politics. Nothing could better demonstrate that they are wrong than for parliament to stop the commitment of British troops to a war that has neither international authority nor domestic support.
Madness
Posted:9:44 PM (Manila Time) | Mar. 20, 2003
By Editorial
AS HE had vowed two days earlier, US President George W. Bush unleashed Thursday the mighty American war machine against Iraq. Less than two hours after the expiration of the deadline Bush had set for Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and his sons to leave Iraq, cruise missiles and precision-guided bombs were falling in and around Baghdad.
Bush said the opening salvo of the new war was aimed at "targets of military opportunity." The whole war effort, dubbed "Operation Iraqi Freedom," was intended to "disarm Iraq and free its people," he said. "This will not be a campaign of half-measures and we will accept no outcome but victory."
Victory was also what Saddam promised his people after at least 40 missiles rained on Baghdad. Condemning the attack as a "shameful crime against Iraq and humanity," he urged the Iraqi people to "draw your swords" against the "evil invaders." He predicted that their enemies faced "a bitter defeat" and that Iraq will emerge victorious.
Between the bully and the bullied, it is difficult to see who still retains a measure of sanity. Saddam's defiant stand suggests a willful disregard of the hard lessons of the 1991 Gulf War that saw his elite Republican Guards quickly raising the white flag in the face of an onslaught by US and allied forces. But given surrender or death as his only choices, what else could Saddam have done but put up a bold front and rally his people behind what could prove to be a suicidal course?
But if desperation drove Saddam to madness, the assertion of power was what did it for Bush. From the moment Bush set his eyes on Iraq as the next target of his campaign against international terrorism, it was clear that nothing would deter him from his single-minded pursuit of war. Over the last few months he has cited one reason after another for fighting Iraq. One day it was Iraq's alleged support for al-Qaeda, the international terrorist network that launched the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon; the next day it was to prevent weapons of mass destruction from falling into the hands of terrorists. One day it was protecting the world against terrorism; the next day it was protecting the Iraqi people against Saddam's cruel regime.
When Iraq allowed United Nations arms inspectors to look at suspected facilities for the storage or manufacture of weapons of mass destruction, Bush made it quite clear that any findings that did not support his own suspicions would be unacceptable to him. He was fishing for an excuse-any excuse-to send his troops to Baghdad, and finding none, he sought to coerce the UN to give him one. Thwarted in his effort to get the international community to confer legitimacy on the war he wanted to wage, he accused the UN of not living up to its responsibility.
Bush apparently thinks that the world revolves around America, that if he believes he is right the whole world should simply nod in agreement, that if he wants war he can go to war and the rest of the world be damned. He has sought to give an international color to his war of aggression by claiming it is being fought by a "coalition of the willing," but only the United Kingdom and Australia have sent troops to fight alongside the Americans. A total of 35 nations have come out to express their support for his decision, but that only serves to underscore the fact that more than 150 others don't approve of his tragic misadventure.
Saddam might have been less than cooperative with the UN. He might have "used diplomacy to gain time and advantage (and) defied Security Council resolutions," as Bush has charged. But the majority of nations obviously do not consider them as enough provocation to wage war. And now that Bush has chosen to employ force to impose his will on Iraq without the consent of the UN, what makes him think he is less of an outlaw than Saddam?
Since Sept. 11, 2001, Bush has been spoiling for a war. Now he has got his war, and the rest of world can only pray that it will be mercifully quick, for the sake of the Iraqis as well as many others who will be affected by its economic fallout. But then a swift victory might not slake Bush's thirst for blood. Who will be his next target for superpower bullying? Who can stop this man?
Are there children
by Robert Priest
are there children somewhere
waiting for wounds
eager for the hiss of napalm
in their flesh -
he mutilating thump of shrapnel
do they long for amputation
and disfigurement
incinerate themselves in ovens
eagerly
are there some who try to sense
the focal points of bullets
or who sprawl on bomb grids
hopefully
do they still line up in queues
for noble deaths
i must ask:
are soul and flesh uneasy fusions
longing for the cut -
the bloody leap to ether
are all our words a shibboleth for silence -
a static crackle
to ignite the blood
and detonate the self-corroding
heart
does each man in his own way
plot a pogrom for the species
or are we all, always misled
to war
Easy
by Sampurna Chattarji
Death is easy to pronounce.
He deserved to die.
They ought to be shot.
Hanging's too good for him.
The words fall glib.
Throwaway lines
sentencing them to death.
Distant observer,
you speak without guilt, or fear
of misplaced allegiances.
You just need something to say,
that all.
The right sentiment, rightly declared
whichever way your loyalties blow
in the gust of the smokefilled air.
A country burns.
The death-dealers deserved to die,you say.
Death is easy to pronounce.
It the smell of burning children that's hard.